Fatalities among Hispanic Construction Workers

Hispanics are the fastest growing minority group in the United States and make up a large portion of the construction industry.  This study was conducted to determine if Hispanic construction workers are injured at a higher rate than their non-Hispanic counterparts.  Data was obtained from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Texas Workforce Commission, and the United States Census Bureau on the number of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed for Texas and the United States and the number of fatal injuries in the construction industry in the United States and Texas.  Descriptive and inferential statistics were carried out.  The chi-square goodness-of-fit test was used to analyze the data.  The ethnicity of the workforce in general was compared to the ethnicity of the construction workforce for both the United States and Texas.  The ethnicity of the construction workforce was compared to the ethnic distribution of injuries in the construction industry.  The results of this study can be used by the construction industry to help identify the success of safety programs and to determine if the safety needs of Hispanic construction workers are being met. 

Keywords: Hispanic, occupational injuries, construction, fatalities, safety

Introduction 

The Census Bureau has reported that Hispanics make up one of the fastest growing populations in the United States today, due to both immigration and higher birth rates.  As the Hispanic population grows, so does the Hispanic workforce.  In fact, the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates Hispanics could make up close to 20% of the workforce in America by the year 2025.  Hispanics already make up 16.4% of the construction workforce in the United States, and over 50% in Texas, and these numbers have been steadily growing in the past few years.  (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). 

In noting trends such as these, it becomes apparent that the needs of the Hispanic worker, especially in the arena of safety, are an important issue facing many industries today, and the construction industry in particular.  The number of Hispanics construction workers increased from 8.9% to 14.6% of the workforce between 1985 and 1995 (Anderson and Hunting, 2000).  Unfortunately, the growth in the Hispanic population has been accompanied by a disproportionate rise in the number of injuries among the Hispanic workforce (Hispanic Worker’s Deaths, 2002).  It is suspected Hispanics are being injured at a higher rate in the workplace than their non-Hispanic coworkers, and these injury rates are climbing (Fabrega and Starkey, 2001; Bissell, Shessar, & Weddle, 1996; Bissell, Shesser, and Weddle, 1993).  The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported 815 Hispanic or Latino workers died due to work- related injuries in the year 2000, the number had increased by 11.6% since 1999.  In addition, the Hispanic population accounted for a larger percentage of workplace injuries compared with their percentage of the workforce.  A study in published in 2002 reported that Hispanics composed 10.7% of the workforce in the United States in 2000, but accounted for 13.8% of the injuries (Hispanic Worker’s Deaths, 2002).  Researchers have offered various reasons for possible discrepancies between Hispanic and non-Hispanic injury rates, but first it must be determined if Hispanic workers are being injured at a greater rate than non-Hispanic workers.  

Statement of the Problem 

The purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the occupational fatal injury rate and non-fatal injury rate for Hispanic construction workers compared to their non-Hispanic counterparts. 

Hypotheses 

Hypothesis One:  The proportion of Hispanics employed in construction in Texas and the United States is larger than the proportion of the Texas and United States populations which is Hispanic. 

Hypothesis Two:   A difference in the occupational fatal injury rate between Hispanic and non-Hispanic construction workers exists in both the United States and Texas. 

Review of Literature 

The population of Hispanics in the United States is growing steadily, and with population growth an increasing number of Hispanics are employed in the construction industry.  In recent years, there has been growing concern about the safety of the Hispanic workforce.  Many researchers and industry personnel have become concerned that Hispanics are being injured at higher rates than their non-Hispanic counterparts.  Researchers, concerned by what appears to be a trend in occupational fatalities, have started to determine and analyze the factors possibly leading to an increase in Hispanic fatalities.  However, no study has been conducted to determine whether or not differences exist in the occupational fatality rates of Hispanics in relation to their non-Hispanic counterparts, or to determine, if these differences exist, and whether they are statistically significant.  While various reasons have been proposed for possible higher injury rates among Hispanics, this review will cover three areas: (a) the language barrier facing many Hispanic workers, (b) cultural differences, and (c) the tendency of Hispanics to be employed in more dangerous industries.  Some of the studies in this review dealt with minority groups other than Hispanics facing similar challenges. 

Occupational Fatalities 

The construction industry accounts for a disproportionately high number of occupational fatalities.  In 2001, 4% of the workforce was employed in the construction field, yet construction accounted for 20.7% of the fatal occupational injuries, excluding those who were killed in the September 11 attack on the World Trade Center (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2002; U.S. Census Bureau, 2002).   Hispanics accounted for 15% of the fatal occupational injuries across all industries in 2001 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2002).   

Researchers and industry professionals have pointed to a discrepancy in the proportion of Hispanics in the population in the United States and the number of Hispanics killed in occupational related accidents.  Studies conducted in the past have labeled Hispanics as a demographic group prone to higher injury (Bissell, Shessar, & Weddle, 1996).  Fabrega and Starkey (2001) conducted a study on the fatal occupational injuries among Hispanic construction workers in Texas, and discovered that Hispanics accounted for 44.9% of deaths in 1997, 50.3 % of deaths in 1998, and 49.2% of deaths in 1999.  However, no statistical analysis was conducted to see if these numbers represented a statistically significant difference from the number of Hispanic workers employed in the construction industry in Texas.   

Language Barrier 

 Many studies have noted a possible reason for higher injury rates among Hispanic workers may be due to the language barrier (Anderson and Hunting, 2000; Beaumont, Carroll, Mccurdy, Morrin, and Samuels, 2002; Glazner, 1995; Chu, 1998; Elkind, Pitts, and Ybarra, 2002; Carroll and Mccurdy, 2000; Wallerstein, 1992).  Much of the Hispanic population is made up of immigrants who speak little to no English, but the majority of safety training, instructions, and warnings are provided only in English.  Hispanic workers may understand a few words, but this can lead to miscommunication where each party believes the instructions to be understood.  In one study, it was found nurses were using a few select English words to explain rubella vaccinations to mothers who spoke little English.  While the nurses believed they were communicating the importance of the vaccine and the need to avoid pregnancy for three months after the injection, the mothers, when questioned, thought they were receiving an injection that would keep them from getting pregnant for three months (Chu, 1998).  Such miscommunications can lead both parties to believe safety information is understood, when in reality important information may not have been properly communicated. 

Cultural Differences 

Another reason proposed for higher injury rates among Hispanics is the cultural differences in the workplace.  Hispanics may miss out on necessary training because such training information is falsely considered general knowledge by construction supervisors at worksites and is not offered to employees.  Often construction practices differ in the United States and a worker’s home country, and workers may not be familiar with the practices used in the United States.  One concept cited as a possible reason for the different perception of safety considerations among Hispanics has been the role of machismo (Bigelow, Hautaluoma, Gilkey, & Sweere, 2002).  Machismo has been loosely defined as a set of ideals about masculinity in Hispanic culture.  Hispanic males may be less likely to report minor injuries or problems or to use protective equipment or safety measures. 

A study of carpenters found non-Hispanics were more likely to report experiencing lower back pain and seeking chiropractic care, even though the Hispanics tended to have worked for more years and averaged more hours per week on the job.  One reason cited by the researchers was Hispanics may have been influenced by the ideal of machismo, though they did not test this theory.  The Hispanic carpenters would have avoided reporting injury and seeking aid because that would appear to violate ideas of masculinity.  Studies into the drinking and driving patterns of Hispanic and non-Hispanic males have suggested Hispanics are less likely to believe they are affected by alcohol, or to overestimate the number of drinks it would take to affect their driving (Burns, et al. 2002).  Studies have also been conducted on the affect of machismo on safe sex practices.  Possibly because of the impact of machismo on community health and family unit issues, most of the studies found by this researcher that study the implications of machismo look at its affect of public health and safety issues.  While it would seem the idea of machismo would also have implications on Hispanic males’ observance of safety precautions in the workplace, no study has yet addressed its affect on the Hispanic construction worker and his view on safety. 

Dangerous Jobs 

Another explanation for the higher injury rates among Hispanics may be their exposure to more dangerous jobs (Anderson and Hunting, 2000; Carroll and Mccurdy, 2000; Chu, 1998; Glazner, 1995).  This is especially true of immigrant workers.  Immigrants, who may be more likely to have little or no knowledge of English, may find they are limited to jobs requiring less skill or jobs where a lack of ability to communicate in English is not required.  These jobs are usually those based on physical labor, which are also the type of jobs carrying higher occupational risk.  Immigrant workers may also seek to obtain employment with businesses which overlook illegal status, and these businesses may also be less willing to provide safety training and protective equipment.   

Summary 

The growing number of Hispanics in the workforce means safety issues specific to the Hispanic workforce are a growing concern to employers.  However, it is important to determine whether a larger proportion of Hispanic workers are being injured in the construction injury, or if the rates of injury of Hispanic workers is a reflection of the high rate of employment of Hispanic workers with the construction industry.  While studies have been made to explore possible causes of injury among Hispanic workers, no study has yet determined if Hispanics are actually being injured at higher rates by comparing the injury rates of Hispanic workers with the injury rates expected based on the percentage of the population that is Hispanic.   

Methodology 

The data on the number of workers employed, the number of workers employed in the construction industry, and the distribution of Hispanics in the workforce and the construction industry for the United States and Texas was obtained from the Geographic Profile of Employment and Unemployment, compiled by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.  The Profile gives the number of workers employed at the national and state levels in the thousands.  The number of workers employed in the construction industry, both total and Hispanic, is indicated as a percentage of the total employed workers in the area.  For example, to find the number of workers employed in the construction industry in Texas in 2001, the total number of workers employed in Texas, given in Table 17 as 9,955,000, was multiplied by the percentage of the workforce employed in the construction industry, also given in table 17 as 6.5%, to arrive at the value of 647,075 workers employed in the construction industry. 

The data on fatal occupational injury is collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics and each state.  The data in Texas is collected and compiled by the Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries, or the CFOI, which is a collaboration between the Texas Workforce Commission and the Bureau of Labor Statistics.  The CFOI compiles these fatality statistics by looking at “death certificates, OSHA reports, medical examiner autopsy data, employer questionnaires, newspaper articles, motor vehicle accident reports, worker’s compensation records, and other documents.  The Bureau of Labor Statistics compiles the results of each state to determine the numbers of fatal injuries in each occupation for the United States. 

Descriptive statistics were used to compare the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed in all industries and the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed in the construction industry for the United States and Texas.  The chi-square goodness-of-fit test was used to compare the proportions of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed in the construction industry and the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics fatally injured in the construction industry.  The test was done for both the United States and Texas for the years 1998 to 2001. 

Results 

Hypothesis One 

Not surprisingly, the analysis revealed Hispanics are employed in greater numbers in the construction industry than in the workforce as a whole for both the United States and Texas for all four years analyzed.  The percentage of Hispanics employed in the United States between 1998 and 2001 ranged between 10% and 14%, while the percentage of Hispanics employed in the construction industry ranged from 11% to 17%.   

 In Texas, the disparity between the proportion of injuries to Hispanic workers and the proportion of the population that is Hispanic was even greater.  The difference in the proportions of Hispanics employed and the proportion of Hispanics employed in the construction industry ranged from 16% to 22% between the years of 1998 and 2001.  For both the United States and Texas, the disparity seems to be growing, with more Hispanics employed in the construction industry each year.  Figure 1 shows the percentage of the construction industry and the workforce at large which was Hispanics for the years analyzed for the United States, while Figure 2 shows the same information for Texas. 

The proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed in the construction industry and the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics fatally injured in the construction industry were compared.  As Figure 3 depicts, for the United States the results were as expected.  Figure 3 shows the proportion of Hispanics employed in the construction industry, and the proportion of Hispanics fatally injured in the construction industry for the years 1998 to 2001.  For each of the years analyzed, the proportion of Hispanics fatally injured in the construction industry was higher than the proportion of Hispanics employed in the construction industry.

 The chi-square goodness-of-fit test was performed to determine if the differences between the occupational fatal injury rates were statistically significant.  The proportion of the construction industry that was Hispanic and non-Hispanic was used to calculate the number of fatal occupational injuries expected to be Hispanic and non-Hispanic for each of the years analyzed.  Table 1 shows the observed, expected, and chi-square values for the United States for each of the years analyzed.  The chi-square test statistic of 3.841 was smaller than each of the calculated chi-square values for each of the years.  “P” value used was 0.05.  The researcher concludes the null hypothesis must be rejected and enough evidence exists to support the hypothesis: the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics working in the construction industry in the United States and the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics fatally injured in the construction industry in the United States are not equal.  Furthermore, looking at the data, the reason for the significance is because for each of the four years, the number of Hispanics injured was greater than the number of Hispanics expected to be injured, based on the proportion of Hispanics and non-Hispanics employed in the construction industry.

 The results from Texas were different.  Figure 4 shows little or no difference in the proportion of Hispanics employed in the construction industry in Texas and the proportion of Hispanic construction workers fatally injured for any of the years analyzed.  The percentage of fatal injuries incurred by Hispanics seems to be growing steadily, but this growth appears to be in line with the growth in the proportion of Hispanics employed in the construction industry. 

Some members of the Associated General Contractors in Texas who reviewed this study estimate the number of Hispanics in the construction industry may be as high as 75% to 80%, but there is no hard data to back this up.  The Bureau of Labor statistics may not be able to get accurate estimates of undocumented workers, many of whom are Hispanic; thus the estimates for the number of Hispanics may be low.  Using the data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, it is clear Hispanics are employed in larger proportions in the construction trades than in the workforce as a whole.   If the number of Hispanic workers employed in the construction industry is higher than the number presented by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, then there may be a discrepancy between the number of Hispanics employed in construction and the number of Hispanics injured, but in the opposite of what was found for the United States.  However, there have been no studies to confirm higher of numbers of Hispanics are employed in construction than the Bureau of Labor Statistics reports. 

 The chi-square test was also conducted to compare the observed and expected numbers of Hispanic and non-Hispanic occupational fatal injuries for Texas.  Expected, Observed, and chi-square values for the state of Texas for each of the years analyzed are shown in Table 2.

Since none of the chi-square values is greater than the test statistic of 3.841, the researchers concluded the null hypothesis, the injury rates of Hispanic and non-Hispanic construction workers in Texas are equal, could not be rejected.  In Texas, there does not appear to be any statistical difference in the injury rates of Hispanic and non-Hispanic workers.   

Conclusion 

Hispanics are a growing part of the construction industry.  In the past several years, the proportion of the construction industry which is Hispanic in the United States has been climbing.  In Texas, the numbers are even more dramatic.  The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates the percentage of the construction industry which is Hispanics had reached over 50% by the year 2001, an increase from 45% in 1998.  

It was anticipated Hispanics are being injured at a greater rate than their non-Hispanic counterparts, and this study was expected to show a significant difference between the fatal occupational injury rates of Hispanic and non-Hispanic workers.  For the United States as a whole, this was true.  For each of the four years analyzed, the chi-square test showed a significant difference between Hispanics and non-Hispanics injury rates, and for each of the four years, Hispanics were injured at a greater rate than non-Hispanics.  Therefore, for the United States construction industry, race plays a role in the risk of injury for a worker.   

In Texas, the results were surprisingly different.  For each of the five years analyzed, there was not enough evidence to support the hypothesis that Hispanics are injured at a greater rate than non-Hispanics.  While the proportion of fatal injuries sustained by Hispanic workers has grown over the years analyzed, from 44.1% of injuries being to Hispanic workers in 1997 to 53.9% in 2001, this rise has mirrored the rise in the proportion of workers employed in the construction industry who are Hispanic during the same years.  This suggests that in Texas Hispanic origin does not play a significant role in the risk of fatal injury.  Possible causes for greater risk to Hispanic workers, such as language barriers, machismo, and a tendency to be employed in more dangerous trades, may actually not be causing Hispanics to be injured more often.  The difference between the results in Texas and the United States is surprising.  Since the proportion of the construction industry in Texas that is Hispanic is so large, the industry may have become better able to deal with special safety issues which face Hispanic workers.  Since in the United States at large, a discrepancy between Hispanic employment and Hispanic injury exists, Hispanic origin must play a role in the chances of injury to the worker. 

If, as some industry personnel suspect, the numbers generated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics regarding Hispanic employment are low, the results would change.  The proportion of deaths sustained by Hispanic workers would remain the same, but if the proportion of Hispanics in the industry were greater, then the expected number of Hispanic deaths would rise as well.  If this were actually the case, then Hispanics would be actually injured less than would be expected, thus leading to the conclusion Hispanics are less likely to be injured than non-Hispanic workers in the construction industry, a result opposite from what is expected.  If this is the case, the language barrier might be one possible explanation.  In this case, Spanish may frequently be the dominant language on the construction site, so it may be the non-Hispanic workers at a disadvantage, because they may miss verbal warnings of danger.  Another possible reason for this discrepancy may be because the Hispanic population in Texas may have more experience in construction trades in their background before coming to the United States than the Hispanic population of other states; however, no studies have been done to explore this possibility. 

This study leads to the questions of why Hispanics are injured more often in the United States, but not in Texas.  A future study should look at possible reasons for these differences.  It would be interesting to see this study repeated with data on other states, both those with higher and lower Hispanics populations than the United States average.  A study of this nature may help explain the discrepancies between the Hispanic and non-Hispanic injury rates for the United States and Texas. 

References 

Anderson, J.T.L., & Hunting, K.L. (2000).  Injury and Employment Patterns Among Hispanic Construction Workers.  Journal of Occupational & Environmental Medicine, 42, 176-188.

Beaumont, J.J., Carroll, D.J., Mccurdy, S.A., Morrin, L.A., & Samuels, S.J.  (2002).  Injury risks in children of California migrant Hispanic farm worker families.  American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 42, 124-134.

Bigelow, P.L., Hautaluoma, J.E., Gilkey, D.P., Keefe, T.J., and Sweere, J.J.  (2002).  Low Back Pain in Residential Construction Carpenters: Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Chiropractic Patient Differences.  Topics in  Clinical Chiropractic, 9(4), 26-32.

Bissell, R., Shesser, R., & Weddle, M.  (1993).  Working women at risk: Results from a survey of Hispanic injury patients.  Journal of occupational and environmental medicine, 35

Bissell, R., Shesser, R., & Weddle, M.  (1996).  Perceptions of preventability among acutely injured Hispanic patients.  Journal of Safety Research, 27, 175-188.

Burns, M.M., Ferguson, S.A., Fiorentino, D., Garcia, J., & Williams, A.F.  (2002).  Drinking and driving among Mexican Americans and non-Hispanic white males in Long Beach, California.  Accident Analysis and Prevention, 34, 429-437.

Carroll D.J., & McCurdy S.A.  (2000).  Agricultural injury.   American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 38, 463-480.

Chu, C.  (1998).  Cross-cultural health issues in contemporary Australia.  Ethnicity & Health, 3(1/2), 125-135.

Elkind P.D., Pitts K., & Ybarra S.L.  (2002).  Theater as a mechanism for increasing farm health and safety knowledge.  American Journal of Industrial Medicine, 42(S2), 28-35.

Fabrega, V., & Starkey, S. (2001).  Fatal Occupational Injuries among Hispanic Construction Workers in Texas, 1997 to 1999.  Human and Ecological Risk Assessment, 7, 1869-1883.

Glazner, L.K.  (1995).  Injuries among Hispanic gardeners: A research note.  Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 17(1), 121-126.

Hispanic Workers' Deaths, Injuries Cause for Concern, OSHA says.  (2002, April)  Professional Safety, 47(4), 1.

United States Bureau of Labor Statistics.  (2002).  National Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries in 2001 [WWW document].  URL http://www.bls.gov/iif/home.htm.  (2003, March 30).

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